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Psych Law Chapter 13
| Term | Definition |
|---|---|
| liable | responsible for alleged harm |
| damages | whether injured party should receive any money to compensate their losses and how much |
| dual-process models | capture individual jurors' thought processes as they attend to and evaluate evidence presented during a trial; rationally and deliberately evaluating content of info or reacting to it quickly and intuitively without careful analysis |
| story model | core cognitive process involved in juror decision-making was construction of a story or narrative summary of the events in dispute |
| schema | mental structure that aids in the processing and interpretation of information |
| evidentiary strenght | strength of evidence; most important determinant of jurors' verdicts |
| psycholinguistics | study of how people understand and use language |
| recency effect | judge's instructions will have a more powerful impact on a jury's decision when they are given late in the trial |
| primacy effect | instructions will have their most beneficial effect if they are presented first |
| jury nullification | implicit power to acquit defendants despite evidence and judicial instructions to the contrary |
| extralegal factors | irrelevant information such as defendant's background or appearance |
| aversive racism | most white jurors are motivated to avoid showing racial bias and, when cued about racial considerations, they tend to render colorblind decisions; low explicit, high implicit |
| liberation hypothesis | when the evidence in case clearly favors one side, juries will decide the case in favor of the side with the stronger evidence; ambiguous evidence allows jurors to rely on their assumptions, sentiments, and biases (extralegal evidence affects verdicts) |
| limiting instruction | evidence of a defendant's prior record can be used for limited purposes only: to gauge the defendant's credibility but not to prove the defendant's propensity to commit the charged offense |
| propensity evidence | evidence of other crimes or wrongdoing; typically inadmissible because of its potential for prejudice |
| outcome severity | severity of an injury or accident |
| defensive attribution | explanation of behavior that defends us from feelings of vulnerability |
| inadmissible evidence | evidence that is presented in court but is unrelated to the substance of the case |
| reactance theory | instructions to disregard evidence may threaten jurors' freedom to consider all available information; jurors may respond by acting in ways that restore their sense of decision-making freedom |
| thought suppression | trying to suppress a thought makes people more likely to think about it |
| juror bias | juror's predisposition to interpret and understand information based on past experience |
| predecisional distortion | jurors will distort their evaluation of the evidence n a direction that supports their verdict choice |
| sympathy hypothesis | sympathy plays only a minor role in civil jurors' judgments |
| informational social influence | compelling information, data, or interpretation convinces a juror that her personal perspective was incorrect or incomplete, and that it makes sense to change her mind |
| normative social influence | juror simply goes along with the group's decision in order to be conciliatory |
| verdict-driven deliberation | jurors take a straw poll very early in their discussion; reveals general sentiment of the group and establishes factions that see things in different ways; each faction attempts to gain support and argue |
| evidence-driven deliberation | jurors do not take an early vote; review crucial pieces of evidence in order to reach an agreed-upon consensus about how to interpret evidence; takes longer but is more satisfying |
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