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Stack #4739153
| Question | Answer |
|---|---|
| languages with only three vowels will have which ones and why | [i], [u], [a]; they are made with different areas of the mouth so they will sound different |
| what is speech perception | Process by which the sounds of language are heard and understood |
| what is the lack of invariance problem | Have a harder time explaining bc no sound is ever produced exactly the same way twice |
| what is lack of invariance best demonstrated by | coarticulation |
| what is coarticulation | articulatory overlap between sounds that are pronounced tougher |
| what is an example of coarticulation | hearing three made up words ([ada], [idi], [udu] - Still hear /d/ even though each [d] is in a different linguistic context |
| what is lack of invariance | Absence of common acoustic properties across multiple instances of the same phoneme (same sound manifests in different ways) --> still perceive it as being the same sound |
| coarticulation is purely what kind of process and what does it mean | phonetic; a phoneme (e.g. /d/) is pronounced in a certain way due to its neighboring sounds but remains (and is perceived as) that phoneme |
| what is categorical perception | Mind imposes structure/categories when faced with variation/randomness |
| what does categorical perception involve | - selectively ignoring aspects of the input - depend to some extent on the environment in which the stimuli is perceived |
| what is one of the primary design features of language | it’s made up of discrete but hierarchically organized units |
| what is voice onset timing | - voicing continuum of stop/plosive consonants - Measures the length of time that passes between the release of a stop consonant and the onset of the vibration of the vocal cords (=voicing_ when producing the vowel |
| consonants with lower VOT sound more voiced or voiceless | voiced |
| consonants with higher VOT sound more voiced or voiceless | voiceless |
| our perception of a continuous and gradient measure is continuous or categorical | categorical |
| what are nonspeech sounds perceived as | continuous |
| what is an example of perceptual narrowing | Infants as young as 1 month can differentiate native and non native contrasts Infants decline in ability to differentiate nonnative contrasts |
| what does categorical perception indicate | we ignore many aspects of the acoustic signal and pay attention only to the linguistically relevant ones |
| what can influence the boundary when it comes to processing continuous input categorically | our assumptions about the speaker can influence the boundary |
| what did the Baker and Colleague Study do | - Used video recordings of ASL signer going from one sign position to another where neither endpoint was an actual word of ASL - Participants were presented with 11 frames in random order and had to decide which of the two categories it fell into |
| what did Baker find | Found that the categorical boundary fell between gesture 5 and 6 for both ASL signers and English speakers |
| why did Baker conduct a discrimination task after the initial result and what did it consist of | - to see whether or not knowledge of sign language played a role in this categorization - Presented subjects with two tokens at a time and asked them if the two gestures were the same gesture or different |
| what was the result of Baker's discrimination task | - ASL signers much better at distinguishing tokens that straddle category boundary than the English Speakers - Seems as if sign perception by ASL signers is indeed like phoneme perception in spoken language |
| what are phonotactic constraints | - Language specific restrictions on what combinations of physical units are allowed in which environments - constrains syllables |
| what does every syllable in all languages must have | a nucleus |
| what do some languages require a syllable to have and what do some ban | - some require an onset - some ban codas |
| What is the syllable structure in English | CCCVCCC |
| what is Georgian noted to have | complex onset clusters sometimes up to 8 |
| what is syllable perception | Language specific perception of syllables --> Listeners of different languages could perceive the same sound differently |
| what words does English not allow words to begin on but Georgian Russian and Polish do | [bn-, bd-, lb-] |
| what did the Berent 2007 study look at | whether speakers are equipped with preferences concerning grammatical structures that are absent in their language |
| what was the method that the Berent 2007 study use | Recorded a native Russian speaker reading made up words( [dnup] [gdep] [rtek]) which wasn't possible in English phonotactics then presented these made up words in random order to Russian and English listeners whose task was to count the syllables |
| what were the results of the Berent study | Found that the Russian Listeners were more likely to recognize these words as monosyllabic words English listeners perceived them as bisyllabic words |
| what did the results of the Berent study show | Bc of their phonological biases from English they were more likely to hear things not actually in the acoustic input ( tended to perceive an epenthesized [ə]) and less likely to recognize it as monosyllabic |
| what are some factors that affect how we perceive speech sounds, syllables, and words | Our assumptions about speakers (regarding their gender, race, etc.) The rules and constraints of our native languages |
| why do we have perceptual illusions | Our perceptual systems are susceptible to illusions and so sometimes our brains will fill in gaps when there is incomplete information |
| what is the McGurk Effect | - Involves visual cues in speech perception - When we perceive speech we integrate visual info with auditory info instead of just relying on the physical acoustic input - Seeing lip movements can influence what the auditory info we hear |
| what is Phoneme restoration | - Involves phonological cues in speech perception - When the auditory signal is degraded or unclear, our knowledge of words and the sounds they contain comes to the rescue |
| what does phoneme restoration explain | why we manage to perceive speech well even when we are in noisy and disruptive environments |
| what is Ganong effect | - Involves lexical cues in speech perception - We use context and have a lexical bias when perceiving sounds |
| what does the Ganong effect suggest | that we are more likely to perceive an ambiguous speech sound as a phoneme that would complete a real word rather than completing a nonsense/fake word (Ex: kift vs. gift) |
| what is Mondegreens | - Involve lexical cues in word perception - Shows that even if we miss the beginning of a word we are still able to recognize (kinda) the word by using other contextual cues |
| what is Mondegreens also referred to | slips of the ear |
| what is an example of Mondegreens | mishearing lyrics |
| what is the basic syllable structure for Japanese and what is it imposed on | CV; loanwords |
| how does the Japanese language break up illegal onsets/codas | by inserting [o] after [t] or [d], [ɯ] after other sound |
| What is special about Japanese Syllable Perception | - Vowels can be syllables [sɯ̥.to.ra.i.kɯ] - Nasals can end syllables |
| when can words medially have a CVC syllable | if the consonant of the coda is followed by a syllable with the same consonant in the onset --> need to match onset of next syllable |
| when a nasal ends a syllable in Japanese what will the word generate and what does the word medially have to match | generates a uvular nasal; word medially will match with next syllable’s onset in place of articulation |
| what are the suprasegmental distributions | length, stress, tone |
| is length constrative or not contrastive in English | not contrastive |
| what does it mean when length is not contrastive in a language | Changing length of syllable doesn’t change its meaning |
| if length is not contrastive in a language, what is it instead | in complementary distribution instead bc syllable nucleus [eɪː] [eɪ] / ___ [–voice ] |
| what is an example of a language where length is contrastive | Hungarian |
| is stress contrastive or not contrastive in English | contrastive |
| what pattern do syllables in nouns follow in English | follow a trochaic pattern: stressed-unstressed |
| what pattern do syllables in verbs follow in English | follow an iambic pattern: unstressed-stressed |
| is tone contrastive or not contrastive in English | not contrastive |
| in what regions can many of the world's tonal languages be found in | sub-Saharan Africa, East and Southeast Asia, Many native cultures in Americas |
| How is tone marked in Igbo | marked with a symbol on nuclear vowel of a syllable similar to how length is also marked next to the vowel |
| what is an example of a language with contrastive lexical tone that interacts with other parts of their communication | drumming and whistling in Yoruba |
| what does Yoruba consist of | - Has a mixture of contrastive segmental features - Has 13 consonants, and 2 labiovelar approximants; kp, gb - Has 7 oral vowels and four nasal vowels: ĩ, ɛ̃, ũ, ɔ̃ - Has contrastive tones: Low, mid, and high tone |
| what is the oral tradition behind dundun drumming in Yoruba language | - Would be used to carry on oral cultural traditions then used as a way to relay long distance messages of coronations, deaths, celebration, and war - Later used as a means of intervillage communication themselves rather than just accompanying speech |
| what is dundun drumming in Yoruba Language used now for | Now played as a musical instrument to accompany songs during festivals, ceremonies, and religious gatherings |
| how is whistling in Yoruba used for | - Long distance communication is made on farms - Yoruba farmer can decode the location of a fellow whistler at a long distance during whistle communication - helps farmers to avoid mentioning names at distance on farm for security reasons |
| during whistling communication how does language change | Voice consonants are devoiced - All consonants turn to [h] - All vowels change to [u] Tones are not affected by these changes → listeners rely on tones they perceive to decode info |
| what are the four tones in mandarin | High level ā, High Rising á, Low Falling ǎ, High Falling à |
| what are the 5 tones in thai | low falling: à high falling: â high rising: á low falling-rising: ǎ mid tone: a unmarked |
| what shapes can syllables have in thai | CCVC |
| what kind of words can thai words be | are essentially monosyllabic and non-monosyllabic words are either loans or compounds |
| what are the phonotactic constraints in thai | the syllable structure restricts which tones can occur → mainly restricted based on how the syllable ends, not how it begins |
| what are examples of the phonotactic constraints in thai | - if a syllable ends in a long vowel, [w], [j], or nasal, all five tones are phonotactically possible to occur - If a syllable ends in a stop, then low, falling, and high tones are phonotactically possible but mid and rising tones are not |
| what is intonation | the tonal features of an entire phrase |
| what is rhythm/meter | the stress featues of an entire phrase |
| language that don't have syllable level contrast in length, stress, or tone have what | some type of prosodic rhythm and intonation |
| English syllables have what type unpredictable stress and what does it lead to on a phrasal level | trochaic or iambic stress; leads to trochaic or iambic prosodic rhythms |
| where does stress tend to fall in French | on the final syllable of a phrase |
| what part of a phrase is stressed on in Italian and Spanish | on the penultimate syllable |
| In Russian, stress is unpredictable and can be what | trochaic, iambic, or smth else |
| what is morphology | study of the structure of words |
| what can't you define a word by | it's spelling and sound |
| why can't a word be defined by spelling | - some words are spelled with spaces: White House, Post Office - Many languages don’t have a written form |
| why can't a word by defined by sound | Unless you know a language if you hear it spoken the words will just run together in your perception |
| what do morphemes not equal | syllables |
| what are morphemes | smallest linguistic units exhibiting meaning or grammatical function |
| linguistic meaning or phrase is a product of what | its constituent words or phrases and the meanings of a word is a product of its morphemes |
| What is the Gavagai problem | When given a novel word like gavagai and asked to identify it there are an infinite amt of possible referents that you could choose from |
| what can you see when children are given a problem like Gavagai | See that children are not entertaining every possibility when learning a new word but instead they use certain built in assumptions that constrain their hypotheses about sound meaning mappings |
| what is the whole object assumption | children assume that a new word refers to a whole object not to a part or property of an object |
| what is an example of the whole object assumption | learning the word kitty for a cat not a cat's ear |
| what is the mutual exclusivity principle | children tend to assign on label to a single object and avoid assigning a second label to the same object |
| what is an example of the mutual exclusivity principle | learning the new word bear to refer to a new object if the child knows "cat" |
| what is the Meronymic hypothesis | Children assume that the new word refers to a subpart of an object if they know the whole |
| what is an example of the Meronymic hypothesis | learning the new word nose, if the children knows the word face |
| what is the Taxonomic hypothesis | children assume words refer to taxonomic categories (i.e. members of the same category) |
| what is an example of the taxonomic hypothesis | learning the new word by expanding the meaning in the same category (oreo v. cookie) |
| what do we know when we know word | Some of its dictionary from which includes: meaning, form, grammatical function - how the word is associated with sensory memories - how that word is associated with other words |
| what is an example of a hyper- vs. hyponyms | dog/poodle |
| what is an example of a complementary antonym | alive/dead, win/lose |
| what is an example of a gradeable antonym | wet/dry, clean/dirty |
| what is an example of a reverse antonym | expand/contract |
| what is an example of a converse antonym | lend/borrow, send/receive |
| what is an example of a synoynm | couch/sofa |
| what are other ways words can be associated with each other | - similarity: ex: tree and bush - happen together: ex: doctor and scalpel - used together: ex: the and flower - sound similar: ex: rhyme, thyme, lime |
| what happens when we hear or read a word | psycholinguistic literature seems to suggest we store this “company” in our minds (other words that relate to it) |
| what is the lexical access theory | Suggested that our access to words, when speaking is greatly enhanced if we hear other, related, words in the acoustic environment |
| the lexical access theory especially true when | - A word is a commonly used one - A word makes sense in the context of the other words being spoken - If a word is syntactically related to a previous word, one would be quicker to access a noun after hearing a preposition, compared to a verb |
| what is the Cohort Model of Lexical Access | when people hear the beginning of a word, they begin to narrow down the possibilities of which would it could be based on our knowledge of which related words have a similar structure |
| what is an example of the Cohort Model of Lexical Access | if we hear [s], and then [p], and then [r], we can eliminate words that are unrelated to these sounds from our initial “cohort” of words Can eliminate string and sweep but keep spring and sprang among possibilities of what the word might be |
| What is the Trace model consist of when we hear a word | - multiple nodes in a neural network in our brains are activated - Includes nodes for the word itself, its phonemic parts, and features of that phoneme (place and manner of articulation, etc.) and which reinforce each other when we access that word |
| what do all these lexical access models suggest | t that what we know when we know a word is the company it keeps --> Information about which is stored in our minds as part of our linguistic knowledge |
| what is lexical priming | suggest that when you hear or read a word, you also partially activate other words that are related in meaning |
| what is the strongest and earliest source of evidence of the interconnections among words | lexical priming |
| what is tested in a lexical decision task | participants read strings of letters on a screen that are either real or nonsense words then instructed to press one of two buttons which correlate to seeing a real or nonsensical word |
| what are experimenters interested in seeing in a lexical decision task | the speed with which subjects press each button is recorded when word is preceded by a similar or dissimilar word |
| what are the results of the lexical decision task | participants are faster to judge a real word as a real word if the word that came before it (the prime) is a word that is related to it in meaning |
| what do the results of the lexical decision task suggest | words aren’t organized in our minds independently of one another, but rather are connected together in complex webs → word neighborhoods |
| what is the problem of lexical ambiguity and what is an example of it | - Word meanings can sometimes by confusing/ambiguous - Ex: time flies like an arrow and fruit flies like a banana |
| what are contractions | Common and productive morphological process where you take two free morphemes and combine them into one word |
| what is a rule we have for contractions | Can’t contract if “is” or “has” is the main verb |
| what are infixes | type of affix that are inserted inside the root |
| what language uses infixation as a productive affixation strategy | Bontoc |
| in what instance is infixes used in English | - with expletives to express joy, frustration, or anger - ex: Fan-freakin-tastic istribution is very regular and can be generalized by a rule - Expletives can only be infixed before a stressed syllable |
| what words can't take on an infix in English | - Words with initial stress: ex: president governor - Monosyllabic words: ex: book |
| what are roots | carry the main part of the words meaning |
| how do we classify distribution of each morpheme | Make an initial distinction based on whether that morpheme is a root or affix --> capture role they play in forming words |
| what are free roots | morphemes that can stand alone as a whole word |
| what are bound roots | morphemes that can’t stand alone and must be part of a multi-morphemic word |
| every word must contain how many roots | at least one but may have more than one root |
| what are affixes | morphemes that alter the meaning or grammatical function of the root |
| all affixes are what type of morpheme | bound |
| true or false: words consist of only affixes | false |
| what are prefixes | affixes that precede the root |
| what are suffixes | affixes that follow the root |
| what are infixes | suffixes inside the root |
| what are circumfixes | affixes that wrapped around the root E.g. Biblical Hebrew, zaqqen ‘old’ --> yəzaqqenu ‘they will become old |
| what does it mean when an affix is derivational | Creates a new word Can change the word’s part of speech |
| what is an example of a derivational affix | Ex: local is a noun: -ize attaches to nouns and makes them verbs (and so change the category) Ex: kind is an adjective: Un- attaches to adjectives and creates an adjective but changes the meaning |
| what does it mean when an affix has an inflectional property | Can serve a grammatical function Do not change the word’s part of speech (e.g. only change number, tense, etc.) |
| what is an example of an inflectional affix | Ex: cat is a noun: -s attaches to nouns and makes them plural (meaning and category stays the same) Ex: bake is a verb: -ed attaches to verbs and puts it in past tense (meaning and category stays the same) |
| what are the selectional rules for affixes | - don’t combine with any base - both derivational and inflectional affixes only attach to words of specific category - Across all languages, derivational affixes will attach to the stem before inflectional affixes |
| what is true across all languages when it comes to derivational affixes | derivational affixes will attach to the stem before inflectional affixes |
| why does derivational affixes attach to the stem first before inflectional affixes | Since derivational affixes can change the meaning or category of the word, they need to be attached to the base before inflectional affixes Ex: shipments (can say) → *shipsment (can’t say) |
| attaching -ness to adjectives creates what | nouns |
Created by:
rach6774