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DP_chp13a
| Question | Answer |
|---|---|
| steady growth, brain maturation, and intellectual advances make middle childhood | a time for more independence |
| Signs of Psychosocial Maturation over the Years of Middle Childhood | These develop between ages 6 and 11, which means they might be present in older children but not yet in the youngest ones. |
| 6-11 years | Children responsibly perform specific chores. |
| 6-11 years | Children make decisions about a weekly allowance. |
| 6-11 years | Children can tell time and have set times for various activities. |
| 6-11 years | Children have homework, including some assignments over several days. |
| 6-11 years | Children are punished less often than when they were younger. |
| 6-11 years | Children try to conform to peers in clothes, language, and so on. |
| 6-11 years | Children voice preferences about their after-school care, lessons, and activities. |
| 6-11 years | Children are responsible for younger children, pets, and, in some places, work. |
| 6-11 years | Children strive for independence from parents. Of course |
| culture is crucial | For example, giving a child an allowance is typical for middle-class children in developed nations since about 1960. It was rare, or completely absent, in earlier times and other places |
| ages 6 and 11 children exert more independence evident by practical result such as | learn to care for themselves, make their own lunch, zip their own pants but also pack their own suitcases, not only walk to school but also organize games with friends. |
| psychosocial development depends on what | parents, schools, and communities expect |
| Parent–child interactions shift from primarily physical care (bathing, dressing, and so on) to | conversation partners about choices and values, boys and fathers, who now discuss many issues with their sons) |
| Learning from Each Other in Middle childhood is | prime time for social comparison |
| The drive for independence expands | the social world |
| Schoolchildren communicate using | their own ideas, can argue with teachers, parents, friends, negotiation and compromise are among their skills |
| Young children response to parents with either | compliance or resistance. |
| Self-Concept over centuries, in every culture, school-age children develop | a much more realistic understanding of who they are and what they can do. They master whatever skills their community values |
| School age children master whatever skills their community | values |
| The self-concept becomes more complex and logical when | cognitive development and social awareness increase |
| social comparison tendency to assess one’s abilities, achievements, social status, and other attributes by | measuring them against those of other people, especially one’s peers |
| Children’s self-concept becomes influenced by the behavior and opinions of | everyone else, even by other children whom they do not know |
| by age 10 self-concept correlated somewhat with emotional maturity (start at age 6)but was affected | much more strongly by a child’s current relationship with other children |
| school age children develop pride in their | gender and background |
| Social comparison is not always benign (kindly,gentle) children may focus on | what they are not what they might become, on appearance not substance, on performance not mastery all undercut motivation and aspiration |
| Erickson's fourth stage of psychosocial crises during which | children attempt to master skills, developing themselves as either industrious or inferior, competent or incompetent. |
| Social rejection is both | a cause and a consequence of feeling inferior |
| temporary antipathy toward the other gender (which Freud called latency) is | a dynamic and useful stage |
| helping their families with household chores is | vastly different contexts for child development in culture and expectation |
| growth mindset is the idea that skills and abilities develop with | practice and effort, instead of being fixed or inborn. |
| The idea that change is possible is | crucial |
| a growth mindset concept does not come naturally to 6- to 11-year-olds, whose | concrete operational thinking can lead to discouragement and quitting if they decide they are bad at sports, or math |
| Self-conscious emotions (pride, shame, guilt) develop during middle childhood, guiding | social interaction. |
| 6 -11 years, if (pride, shame, guilt) emotions are uncontrolled, they can overwhelm a healthy self-concept, leading to psychopathology | overwhelm a healthy self-concept, leading to psychopathology |
| Children can ignore national disasters as long as they have | familiar caregivers nearby and a chance to play. Not with covid-19 takeover. They brainwashed the world |
| psychological growth is not automatic—family and social context affect whether | a more realistic, socially attuned self-concept will be a burden or a blessing, and cultures vary |
| Experiencing prejudice from peers reduces self-esteem, but experiencing acceptance by peers and teachers | protects self-esteem. In general, a realistic self-esteem is possible during middle childhood, with peers, teachers, and communities all influential |
| some children seem unscathed by early stress. They have been called | “resilient” or “invincible.” |
| 1965 | All children have the same needs for healthy development. |
| 1970 | Some conditions or circumstances—such as “absent father,” “teenage mother,” “working mom,” and “day care”—are harmful for every child. |
| 1975 | All children are not the same. Some children are resilient, coping easily with stressors that cause harm in other children. |
| 1980 | Nothing inevitably causes harm. Both maternal employment and preschool education, once thought to be risks, are often helpful. |
| 2017 | Resilience is seen not primarily as a trait in a child but as a characteristic of mothers and communities. Some are quite resilient, which fosters resilience in children. |
| 2015 | Communities are responsible for child resilience. Not every child needs help, but every community needs to encourage healthy child development. |
| 2012 | Genes as well as cultural practices can be either strengths or weaknesses; differential susceptibility means identical stressors can benefit one child and harm another. |
| 2010 | Strengths vary by culture and national values. Both universal ideals and local variations must be recognized and respected. |
| 2008 | Focus on strengths, not risks. Assets in child (intelligence, personality), family (secure attachment, warmth), community (schools, after-school programs), and nation (income support, health care) must be nurtured. |
| 2000 Risk–benefit analysis involves | The interplay among many biological, cognitive, and social factors, some within the child (genes, disability, temperament), the family (function as well as structure), and the community (including neighborhood, school, church, and culture). |
| 1995 | No child is invincible. Risks are always harmful—if not in education, then in emotions; if not immediately, then long term. |
| 1990 | Risk–benefit analysis finds that some children are “invulnerable” to, or even benefit from, circumstances that destroy others. |
| 1985 | Factors beyond the family, both in the child (low birthweight, prenatal alcohol exposure, aggressive temperament) and in the community (poverty, violence), are very risky for children. |
| One leading researcher defines resilience as | “a dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” |
| resilience is the capacity to adapt well to | significant adversity and to overcome serious stress |
| Resilience is dynamic, not a stable trait such as | A given person may be resilient at some periods but not at others. The effects from each earlier period reverberate as time goes on |
| Resilience is a positive adaptation. For example, | if parental rejection leads a child to a closer relationship with another adult |
| Adversity must be significant means | a threat to the processes of development or even to life itself, not merely a minor stress |
| daily hassles build into | |
| a major impact | |
| Almost every child can withstand one trauma but POM | Repeated stresses, daily hassles, and multiple traumatic experiences make resilience difficult POM |
| The social context—especially supportive adults who do not blame the child is | crucial. If the school counselor and teachers are able to step in and find a good home for Neesha, she may become an accomplished, compassionate adult POM |
| children living in a shelter for homeless family. Compared with other children from the same kinds of families were | lower in academic achievement, self-concept, emotional stability, friendship networks, and worse on physiological measures such as cortisol levels, blood pressure, and weight |
| Residential disruption as a stressor but family protective factors | buffered the impact: Having a parent with them who provided affection, hope, and stable routines enabled some homeless children to be resilient |
| wide-ranging, terrifying wildfire in Australia. Almost all of the children suffered stress reactions at the time, but 20 years later, the crucial factor for recovery | was not their proximity to the blaze but whether they had been separated from their mothers |
| parentification is When a child acts more like a parent than a child. Parentification may occur if | the actual parents do not act as caregivers, making a child feel responsible for the family |
| interpreting English for their parents Some children feel | burdened and others are proud. The difference is more in their interpretation of what they do than in the actual work |
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PAF2BFREE